Background: The Legal Status of India Post-1857
Following the failure of the 1857 War of Independence, which marked the end of centuries of Muslim rule in the Indian subcontinent, the British Empire took complete control of India. In the wake of this seismic shift, an important juridical and theological debate emerged among Muslim scholars and the general public: Is India still considered Dar-ul-Islam (abode of peace), or has it become Dar-ul-Ḥarb (abode of war) under Islamic law?
The core of this debate centred on the obligation of Jummah (Friday) prayers. According to Islamic jurisprudence, if a land is deemed Dar-ul-Ḥarb, then the Friday prayer is no longer obligatory unless specific conditions are met. Conversely, if it remains Dar-ul-Islam, the prayer retains its obligatory nature.
Although this was a purely religious-legal issue, the British colonial authorities cleverly manipulated this theological disagreement for their political advantage.
The British Perspective: Identifying Loyalty Through Jumu‘ah Prayers
Muslims who declared India as Dar-ul-Ḥarb were viewed by the colonial administration as disloyal and subversive. This context led the British to search for a “loyal informant” from within the Muslim community who could help identify those considered rebellious toward British rule.
The man who stepped forward to fulfil this role was Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani, founder of the Ahmadiyya movement. Through his letters, public announcements, and organizational network, he provided the British with intelligence that was deemed crucial for preserving their colonial dominion over the Indian Muslims.
Qadiani’s Proposal to the British: The Strategic Use of Jummah Suspension
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad went beyond casual support and formally submitted a proposal to the British government suggesting that Friday be declared a public holiday for Muslims. The goal was not religious convenience, but to use Jummah attendance as a tool for identifying dissenters—i.e., those Muslims who continued to avoid Jummah prayers despite the holiday, thereby implicitly declaring India a Dar-ul-Ḥarb.
In his own words:
“There is no doubt that by announcing a public holiday on Friday, those with ill intentions can be identified. If they still do not attend the Friday prayers despite the holiday, it will become evident that they consider the Government’s rule to be that of Dar-ul-Ḥarb… Thus, Jumu‘ah becomes a clear standard to distinguish between the two groups.”
(Majmua-e-Ishtiharat, vol. 1, pp. 551–552, New Edition, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani)
Organizing a Spy Network: Forms and Surveillance Orders
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad did not stop at mere suggestions. He took practical steps to aid the British in their intelligence gathering. His organization distributed forms (goshwaras) among Ahmadi followers instructing them to record names, addresses, and details of Muslims in their locality who did not attend Jummah prayers. These forms were then to be sent back to Qadian for onward transmission to British officials.
(Majmua-e-Ishtiharat, vol. 1, pp. 555–557, New Edition, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani)
This initiative effectively created a parallel surveillance network within the Muslim community under the guise of religious reform.
Compensation for Spying: Dreams and Untraceable Money Orders
Such comprehensive cooperation was not carried out without compensation. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad reportedly received secret financial rewards. His son, Mirza Bashir Ahmad MA, recounts a peculiar dream and the arrival of a mysterious money order:
“One day, Hazrat Masih-e-Maud (Mirza Ghulam Ahmad) woke me up in the morning and said he had a dream in which salt was spread around his bed. Upon checking the interpretation, he said that a large amount of money would arrive. A few days later, a money order of over a thousand rupees came, though the exact amount I don’t remember. The sender’s name was not listed on the money order.”
(Sirat-ul-Mahdi, vol. 3, pp. 101–102, by Mirza Bashir Ahmad MA)
To give perspective, one rupee at that time could buy 16 kg of meat, illustrating the substantial purchasing power of the sum received.
(Sirat-ul-Mahdi, vol. 1, p. 182)
Acknowledgement of Government Favours
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad repeatedly acknowledged and praised the favours he received from the British government. He described his community as loyal subjects of the Crown and expressed his gratitude in writing:
“This is a community nurtured by the salt of the British government, earning a good name and enjoying the favours of the Government.”
(Majmua-e-Ishtiharat, vol. 3, p. 20, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani)
He further claimed:
“I declare with certainty that I am the foremost well-wisher of the British Government among all Muslims—because (1) my father’s influence, (2) the favours of the Government, and (3) divine revelation have made me a first-class loyalist.”
(Tiryaq al-Qulūb, p. 363; Ruhani Khazain, vol. 15, p. 491, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani)
Conclusion: Religious Deviation and Political Treachery
These historical records offer indisputable evidence that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was not merely a theological outlier but also a political collaborator who acted against the interests of the wider Muslim community. His movement provided the British with strategic intelligence under the banner of religious reform and loyalty.
The central question now arises:
If the founder of a religious group actively collaborated in espionage against the Muslim community, can we be assured that his followers have not continued that legacy?
Wherever the Qadiani community exists today, especially in regions with large Muslim populations, governments, scholars, and civil institutions must formulate policies that are wise, vigilant, and guided by a sense of national dignity and religious sensitivity.
